
On
May 3, the New York Times published a lengthy description of Pakistan's
education system. The article, like so many before it, rehearsed a
well-known narrative in which government schools are failing while
madrasas are multiplying, providing a modicum of education for
Pakistan's poorest children.
"The concentration of madrasas here
in southern Punjab has become an urgent concern in the face of
Pakistan's expanding insurgency," veteran Times reporter Sabrina
Tavernise wrote. "The schools offer almost no instruction beyond the
memorizing of the Koran, creating a widening pool of young minds that
are sympathetic to militancy."
The story coincided with a debate
in the U.S. House Foreign Affairs Committee over a new aid package for
Pakistan. The proposed legislation, among other initiatives, focuses
upon eliminating madrasas with ties to terrorism and reforming the
public school system, riven with teacher absenteeism and out-of-date
pedagogy. Numerous charitable organizations and NGOs have also embraced
this dual focus.
Unfortunately, this well-intentioned approach
risks failure. First, contrary to the public hysteria about madrasas
serving as "weapons of mass instruction," in 2005, just 1.3 percent of
children in Pakistan's four main provinces attended madrasas. Most
students attend public schools (nearly 65 percent), and the remainder
attend nonreligious private schools (34 percent). Nor are madrasas the
last resort of the poor. In fact, the socioeconomic profiles of madrasa
and public school students are quite similar -- except that madrasas
have more rich students than public schools. Of the extremely small
number of households enrolling at least one child full time in a
madrasa, 75 percent use other types of schools to educate their other
children.
Despite the tremendous importance of improving
Pakistan's public schools and madrasas, moreover, attempts to influence
their structure and output have been largely ineffective. Pakistan
itself is struggling to reform its public education system, debating
the federal-local divide, voucher schemes, and merit pay.
Rather
than focusing on madrasas and public schools, the donor community
should take note of a striking change in the Pakistani educational
landscape: the emergence of mainstream and affordable private schools.
Indeed,
nonreligious private schools now enroll one third of Pakistani
students, according to the 2005 education census. This sector is
dramatically expanding. In 1983, there were roughly the same number of
madrasas and private schools in the country -- 2,563 madrasas and 2,770
private schools. By 2005, there were five times as many private
schools. Moreover, the growth in private schools has increased since
the 9/11 terrorist attacks, while madrasa growth has stayed relatively
flat.
Data collected by the authors as a part of the
largest-ever longitudinal study of education in Pakistan find that
private schools are cost-effective and affordable. They keep costs low
because they are "mom and pop"-managed, for-profit, independent
schools, unsubsidized by the government and responsive to local demands
for education.
Although education standards all over Pakistan
are poor, private schools outperform government schools at all income
levels. In three districts of rural Punjab where the project team
tested more than 25,000 primary-grade students, private school children
outperformed those attending government schools by a large margin.
Moreover, data show that the same students learn more when they switch
from public to private schools and learn less when they leave private
schools for public schools.
Incredibly, this higher quality
comes at a lower cost. Most private schools in Pakistan charge a
monthly fee of less than a single day's wage for an unskilled worker.
And it costs less than half as much to educate a child in a private
school as it does in a public school. For these reasons, private
schools are expanding from urban and suburban areas into Pakistan's
countryside.
Why are these schools able to deliver affordable value?
Private schools take advantage of an important untapped supply of labor
by relying upon moderately educated young women from local
neighborhoods who are willing to work for low pay. In fact, private
schools are one of the largest sources of regular, salaried employment
for Pakistan's women. Private schools also boast lower teacher
absenteeism than public schools, which minimizes wastage and increases
time spent learning. They also use their compensation structures
effectively to reward better teachers and punish those who don't
perform well.
Moreover, these private schools tend not to be
affiliated with religious groups or movements. Private schools
generally use a curriculum that is similar to that of government
schools, but with a greater emphasis on teaching English. The vast
majority of these private schools are coeducational at the primary
level, compared with government schools, which are mainly single-sex.
Where
the donor community can do most good is in developing and expanding
Pakistan's most dynamic education sector. Small-scale studies are
already showing that innovative programs, aided by NGOs and the private
sector, can make dramatic gains. A study we conducted showed that
disseminating better information about school performance led to
dramatic improvements in both public and private schools. With more
transparency and information available, private school fees dropped,
test scores at private and public schools climbed, and public school
enrollment increased.
Pakistani parents, like parents
everywhere, are pragmatic about education. Although aid donors may want
to help reform Pakistan's religious and public schools, genuine reform
will emerge from local debates and initiatives, some of which are
already underway. The risk is that future monies allocated to such
purposes could be wasted or, at best, spent inefficiently. An aid
program based on bold, persistent experimentation will help foster a
true public-private partnership model that takes advantage of this
low-cost private sector and improves the public sector in turn.
Unfortunately,
the importance of the dynamic private education sector is overshadowed
by unsupported claims about madrasas and their role in terrorism. Given
that Pakistan's population is ever more dominated by youths and given
the urgent need to produce a skilled labor force to drive Pakistan's
future, the stakes for education reform could not be higher.
Tahir Andrabi is an economics professor at Pomona College; Jishnu Das is a World Bank senior economist; and Asim Ijaz Khwaja is associate professor of public policy at Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government.
Andrabi,
Das, and Khwaja's research was funded by the Knowledge for Change
program and the South Asia region at the World Bank. Detailed results
are available at econ.worldbank.org and through www.leapsproject.org.
The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed here are those
of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the World
Bank, its executive directors, or the governments they represent. C.
Christine Fair, whose work on madrasas was conducted when she was with
the U.S. Institute of Peace, will join the faculty Georgetown
University's Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service in August.